A trip to Syria

 
When you live in Antakya you are not far from Syria. And you feel it. Often you see Syrian cars in the streets. You meet Syrians in Harbiye (Daphne) and in the market area of Uzun Çarşı in downtown Antakya. Furthermore, people in Antakya are very interested in the recent developments in Syria. This especially applies to the religious community of the Nusayri Alawites.
The Nusayris have a lot of sympathy for their co-religionists on the other side of the frontier. In Syria the Nusayris are a minority, but they are the ones who are in power. I have been told that the family of the president originally came from Samandağ close to Antakya. Whether it is true or not, I do not know. People say a lot of things around here. I was also told that when Syrians who had fled to Turkey because of unrest at home were asked what they needed, the men wanted condoms and the women make-up. It does not sound credible, but it illustrates the local attitude towards the new-comers.
As things worked out we had to go to Syria for a week. Naturally we wondered what situations we would run into once on the other side of the border. Should we believe what we saw on the al-Jazeerah television programmes, all Syria was in a mess. On the other hand, taxis and busses regularly went from Antakya to Damascus and back again without any problems. Still, on the highway we should have to pass Homs and Hama, and this is where - according to the press - the problems are concentrated. Consequently we decided to take a taxi to Aleppo ($ 43) and from there take an airplane to Damascus. However, the taxi driver told us that some foreigners had been denied entry into Syria, so if that should happen to us we would have to pay the return fare as well. We agreed.
On the way to the frontier we passed a tent camp for Syrian refugees. According to some, the number of refugees is dwindling but there still seem to be some left. We asked the taxi driver whether we could expect any problems on the way. He told us that the fact that he was taking us to Aleppo proved that things were calm. Otherwise he would not have gone.
At the border crossing we were treated well. We got our visa and entry stamp without any discussion at all. At custom we had to wait for a while as the custom officials had a meeting.
From the frontier to Aleppo the journey was uneventful. At one of the checkpoints a young soldier got confused when he saw out passports, but otherwise nothing happened.
Aleppo was as usual. The only difference was that we saw no foreigners during our stay. Two shop owners in the bazaar independently told us that they had had no foreign customers for seven weeks. One should have expected the shop owners to be more aggressive in their quest for customers, but not so. We could walk all the way from the one end of the bazaar at Bab Antakiye to the other end at the Citadel without anybody but a handful addressing us.
At the exit from the bazar, however, we were met by a completely new spectacle: A Syrian flag had been wrapped around the Citadel.
 

The Citadel

   
The absence of foreign tourist was also felt by restaurant owners. The restaurant Sisi House in the quarter of Jdaida was closed due to renovation, but its cafe on the pavement in front was open.
 

The view from the cafe of Sisi House

 
Later we found several of the waiters from Sisi House in the restaurant of Cantara.

 

Cantara

 
This, and more nationalistic songs on the radio, was the only difference notice compared to earlier visits.
A couple of days later there was a huge demonstration in favour of the government on a square close to our hotel. According to the local press more than one million attended. Loud music started early in the morning and continued until the talks began. The streets around our hotel were closed to traffic and filled with people with flags, banners and pictures of the president.
 

Part of the demonstration

 
According to what we were told, people in Aleppo do not join in the rebellion against the government. A man (whom I have good reason to believe to be neutral) told us that one day he witnessed some anti-government demonstrators starting to cry out slogans in the street. Immediately local shop owners came rushing out of their shops and beat them up.
This would explain a photo shown by the foreign press where a boy in one of the cities of unrest carries a poster with the text: ﺣﻠﺐ ﻭﻳﻨﻚ  [waynak Halab: Aleppo, where are you?].
We chose to continue to Damascus by plane as we were told that traffic at times was stopped on the highway close to the cities of Homs and Hama. It seems though, that waiting on the highway is the only problem. The Turkish bus company HAS Turizm has busses between Antakya and Damascus every day and they report of no unpleasant experiences.
Damascus looked as always. The only difference was that no foreign tourists were to be seen. The covered part of the Street called the Straight (Madhat Basha Street) looked as before as the shops are catering for local customers. However, as soon as you leave the covered area and continue towards Bab Sharqi you notice that many of the shops that sell various articles to tourists are closed. The bar After Seven is still open and well visited, but the clientele mostly consists of local Damascenes.
The Christian area at Bab Touma looked as it always does: people were coming and going, eating and drinking and the Bab Touma Street was filled with cars and its pavement with people.
We had our evening meal at the restaurant called Hâretnâ. It was filled although people were not yet having their supper. They were mostly busy smoking their water pipe.
 

Hâretnâ

 
The next day we had a discussion with two men from Damascus. They seemed to be annoyed because of foreign meddling in Syrian affairs. Especially the initiative of the Arabic League was criticised. They found it odd that undemocratic countries as Saudi Arabia should come up with suggestions and advice.
One of the two is a businessman and he grumbled about the difficulties had in transferring money to and from other countries. We ourselves felt the problem as our visa cards cannot be used in Syria for the time being. If you have to go to Syria, you have to carry a lot of money in your pocket. Fortunately crime is less common in Syria than in the West.
One evening we met some people who were acquainted with the situation. We were told that violations of human rights do happen, but also that some of the demonstrators are armed and that "bad boys" from Iraq have oozed into the country.
Back in Aleppo we were told that a "tourist" had been killed in Damascus. After some questioning, though, we found out that it was not a "tourist" but a "terrorist."
 
 
But what about the shooting at civilians and the violation of human rights?
While in Syria, we did not visit the cities where the media has reported confrontation between protesters and the security forces. Consequently we have nothing to say about who is shooting at whom. The only thing we can say with any certainty is that we did not see anything of that sort in Aleppo and Damascus. People looked calm and relaxed.
As to the violations of human rights: This phenomenon is common in all the Middle East, also in so-called democratic countries and in some of the countries the West likes to rub shoulders with.
This is not meant as an excuse for perpetrators; but one cannot help wondering at the lack of consistency in western criticism.

Habib-i Neccar and Sham'un

 
Who was Habib-i Neccar? Honestly, I do not know. As mentioned earlier, the Muslims tend to identify him with a person mentioned in the Yasîn sura in the Qur'an. There we read:
 

And there came from the uttermost part of the city a man running. He cried: O my people! Follow those who have been sent!
"Obey those who ask no reward of you (for themselves), and who have themselves received guidance.
"It would not be reasonable in me if I did not serve Him Who created me, and to Whom ye shall (all) be brought back.
"Shall I take (other) gods besides Him? If (God) Most Gracious should intend some adversity for me, of no use whatever will be their intercession for me, nor can they deliver me.
"I would indeed, if I were to do so, be in manifest error.
"For me, I have faith in the Lord of you (all): listen, then, to me!"
It was said: "Enter thou the Garden." He said: "Ah me! Would that my people knew (what I know)!-
"For that my Lord has granted me forgiveness and has enrolled me among those held in honour!"

—Qur'an, sura 36, Ya Sîn, verses 20-27. [i]
 

The explanation is as follows:

 

HABIB AL-NADJDJAR (the carpenter), legendary character who gave his name to the sanctuary below mount Silpius at Antakiya [q.v.] where his tomb is reputed to be. He is not mentioned in the Kur'an; nevertheless Muslim tradition finds him there, in sura XXXVI, 12 ff., under the description of the man who was put to death in a city (karya) not otherwise specified, having urged its inhabitants not to reject the three apostles who had come to proclaim the divine message to them. According to Muslim tradition the "city" was Antioch and the anonymous believer was called Habib. According to al-Tabari he was not a carpenter but a silk-worker, yet the epithet of nadjdjar is applied to him by all the other ancient sources (al-Mascudi, Mutahhar [ps.-Balkhi], Balcami, al-Thaclabi) and by more recent authors. He was stoned or trampled to death by his executioners. More recent legends, such as the one preserved by al-Dimashki (Cosmographie, ed. Mehren, 206), embroider the story of his martyrdom with strange new details (walking about with his severed head in his hand). There is nothing to prove that Habib was the Agabus of Acts, xi, 28 and xxi, 10-11, for although the latter suffered martyrdom according to several hagiographic texts (Synaxaire de Constantinople, in H. Delehaye, Propylaeum ad Ada sanctorum Nouembris, col. 591, cf. 783 f. and Synaxaire arabe Jacobite, ed. R. Basset, PO, xi/5, 788 f.), it is not stated that this was at Antioch, but either at Jerusalem or in some place not specified The prehistory of the Muslim legend is not therefore entirely clear. [ii]

 

As stated in an earlier post, it is extremely unlikely that the Christians in Antioch met with any persecution until the turn of the first century. In fact, the Christians fled to Antioch from Jerusalem to avoid persecution. [iii]

 

The only Christian martyr with the name Habib I have been able to find is a certain Habib from Edessa (Urfa or Şanlıurfa). He was executed by burning during the persecution of Diocletian towards the end of the third century or the beginning of the fourth ("the year six hundred and twenty of the kingdom of Alexander the Macedonian"). [iv]

Interestingly he was buried with an earlier martyr named Shamuna: "And they pulled and drew him out of the fire, throwing over him fine linen cloths and choice ointments and spices. And they snatched away some of the pieces of wood [which had been put] for his burning, and the bretheren and some persons of the laity bore him away. And they prepared him for interment, and buried him by Guria and Shamuna the martyrs, in the same grave in which they were laid, on the hill which is called Baith Allah Cucla ..." [v]
 

About Shamuna and his friend Guria we read:

 

"So he, taking the saints out at night by the Roman gate, when the citizens were buried in profound slumber, conveyed them to Mount Bethelabicla on the north of the city. On their arrival at that place, having alighted from the carriage with joy of heart and great firmness of mind, they requested the halberdier and those who were under his orders to give them time to pray; and it was granted. For, just as if their tortures and their blood were not enough to plead for them, they still by reason of their humility deemed it necessary to pray. So they raised their eyes to heaven and prayed earnestly, concluding with the words: God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, receive in peace our spirits to Yourself. Then Shamuna, turning to the halberdier, said: Perform that which you have been commanded. So he kneeled down along with Guria, and they were beheaded, on the 15th of November. This is the account of what happened to the martyrs." [vi]

 

It will be remembered that two of the coffins kept in the Habib-i Neccar Mosque in Antakya have the names of Habib and Sham'un on them. Might they be identical with the two Edessan martyrs?

 

If they are, their remains must at some point of time have been moved from Edessa (Urfa) to Antioch (Antakya).

 

We know that the remains of martyrs became an object of veneration under and after the persecution at the time of Diocletian. We also know that members Catholic and Orthodox churches found it important to keep these relics at a safe place.

 

When the Muslim Arabs conquered Mesopotamia in AD 639, Edessa came under their rule. The Arabs, however, did not interfere much with their Christian subjects. They regarded them as ahl ul-kitâb [people of the book (the Bible)] and let them pay a special tax called jizyah. They also took over some of the churches and converted them into mosques.

It seems that the church members in Edessa were allowed to keep some of their relics. In

AD 944 the Byzantine Emperor abstained from capturing the city in return for a piece of cloth on which there said to be imprint of the face of Jesus. (It was called the Holy Mandylion and had been declared a fake by Pope Gelasius in 494.) This somehow illustrates how important relics were to people in the early Middle Ages.

  

Later, after half a century under Crusader control, the city was again lost to the Muslims. This happened in 1144, and this time it seems that the new overlords we not as tolerant as the Arabs had been. Whether some of the Christians in the city decided to leave for Antioch, still on Crusader hands, we do not know. If they did, some of them may have decided not to leave their objects of veneration in the hands of the Muslims.

  

Perhaps we shall never know.

  

It would be interesting, however, to know if the corpse in the coffin of Habib in the Mosque of Habib-i Neccar exhibits traces of burning and whether the corpse in the coffin of Sham'un originally was beheaded.

_________________________________________________ 

[i] Quoted from Wikipedia, "Habib the Carpenter," accessed October 9, 2011, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Habib_the_Carpenter#cite_note-10

 

 [ii] G. Vajda, "Habîb al-Nadjdjâr," The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Volume III (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1986), 12.

 

[iii] The Bible book of Acts, chapter 11 verses 19, 20.

 

[iv] "The Martyrdom of Habib the Deacon," The Saint Pachomius Ortodox Library, accessed October 9, 2011, http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/basis/habib.asp.

  

[v] Ibid.

 

[vi] "Martyrdom of Shamuna, Guria and Habib," New Advent, accessed October 9, 2011, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/0858.htm.

   

See also: Suraiya Faroqhi, "Al-Ruhâ," The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Volume VIII (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1995), 589 – 593.
 

Simeon Stylites the Younger

  

            Simeon Stylites the Elder may have been the first ascetic to climb a pillar and stay there until his death (in 459), but he was not the last one.
            Simeon Stylites the Younger was born in Antioch in 521. We are told that he grew up in the neighbourhood called Cherubim. This quarter was close the old Daphne Gate where Titus has placed cherubs taken from the Jewish temple in Jerusalem at its destruction in the year 70. During the time of the Byzantine Emperor Theodosius II the southern part of the city wall had been moved further south so that it followed the torrent Phyrminus opposite to where the barracks are located today. What happened to the cherubs is not known, but the quarter kept the name of Cherubim. It was situated somewhere in the area between the Habib-i Neccar mosque and the mosque called Sarımiyye.[i]
           About Simeon Stylites the Younger we are told that "from his childhood he was under the special guidance of Saint John the Baptist and adopted an extremely ascetical way of life."[ii] If the assertion is true that the Habib-i Neccar Mosque used to be the Church of St. John the Baptist, it is safe to conclude that Simeon's home was close to that spot. It will be remembered that a side chamber to the mosque has a sarcophagus with the name of John the Baptist on it.
            Simeon was an ambitious boy. When he climbed his first pillar he was only about seven years old. We are told that he chose a spot close to another stylite named John. But Simeon grew, and so did his pillars. When John died, the asceticism of Simeon became even more austere. Eventually he ended up on a pillar between twelve and sixteen tall on the top of a small mountain between Antioch and the Mediterranean. The Mountain of Miracles it was called, due to the miracles Simeon was believed to have worked.
           In time a small group of buildings somehow materialised around the pillar on the otherwise empty mountain top. East of the pillar there was a church dedicated to the Trinity. To the west there was an atrium, an entrance to the complex and places where monks and pilgrims could stay. Later on, churches were built to the north and to the south of the octagonal square where the column was standing.

A plan of the complex

(Verdier, "A Medallion of Saint Symeon the Younger")

What is left of the column today

Today the locals call the ruins Manastır (Monastry) and between the mountain and the Mediterranean there is a small town called Samandağ (Turkish for the Mountain of Simeon). From the mountain there is a marvellous view: towards the west is the Mediterranean, to the south Mount Casius (Arabic: جبل الأقرع‎  [jabal al-aqra']) with its 1.700 metres, and to the northwest the Orontes valley and Antakya (Antioch). When the weather was good Simeon could spend hours just enjoying the view – if this is something stylites do. At least he could scrutinise all what was going on inside the monastery. The problem was bad weather, gale and rain.

           It has been claimed, though, that the stylites had a roof over their head. The peculiar roof of the minarets of old mosques in Antakya may have been inspired of the roof of the stylites. [iii]

Minaret in Antakya

Medallions with pictures of the stylite made to his honour, though, indicate that all there was on the top of the pillar was a wooden platform of about five square metres with a railing around it. Besides the column there was a sort of staircase carved out of rock. People who for various reasons wanted to consult Simeon could climb the stairs and converse with him. This block of stairs can still be seen beside the remains of the column. [iv]

Medallion
 

            We are told that Simeon climbed his pillar on the Mountain of Miracles in 551. He died in 597 and was buried close to his pillar where his mother Martha had been buried in 551. At his death he was about 76 years old. [v]

            We may wonder what makes a man spend most of his life on the top of a pillar. At least we know that the inspiration was not from Christianity as we know it from the New Testament. Jesus and his apostles did not advocate asceticism and although the apostle Paul said: "I give blows to my body, and keep it under control," [vi] he did not speak about asceticism. The context and Paul's own life show us that he spoke of self-control and self-sacrifice. Interestingly Wallace-Hadrill has this comment about Manichaeism (a non-Christian dualistic religion that flourished in the East from the third century onward): "The ascetic demands which were an offence to Persians and Muslims were precisely the attraction for the Christian monks in Syria." Very likely asceticism was a notion imported from the East. [vii]
            It seems, though, that some other influence was at work as well: If a boy five or seven years old finds it interesting to sit on a column, somebody must have made the idea look attractive. The name the parents had chosen for their son had been taken from the other stylite named Simeon who had been sitting on a pillar halfway between Antioch and Aleppo. We are told that it was Simeon's mother Martha who suggested that a monastery was built around the column on the Mountain of Miracles. Martha spent most of her time at the base of the column and she was depicted on some of the medallions made in honour of the stylite. She has even been regarded as a saint. Whatever her motives may have been, she came to share the fame of her son.

Lately a platoon of huge windmills has been put up around the ruins on the Mountain of Miracles. It is a weird experience.

           

-----
[i] Glanville Downey, A History of Antioch in Syria from Seleucus to the Arab Conquest (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), 553-557.

[ii] Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of America, Online Chapel, accessed September 25, 2011, http://www.goarch.org/chapel/saints_view?contentid=65.
[iii] M. Grazia Zambon, Domenico Bertogli & Oriano Granella, Antioch on the Orontes (Parma: Eteria, (no year)), 95.
[iv] Philippe Verdier, "A Medallion of Saint Symeon the Younger," The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art, Vol. 67, No. 1 (Jan., 1980), 17-26, accessed September 25, 2011, http://asketikos.info/pdfarticles/verdier.pdf
[v] According to Catholic Encyclopedia, accessed September 27, 2011, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/13795b.htm. According to Verdier Simeon died in 592.
[vi] First letter to the Corinthians chapter 9 verse 27 (The Bible in Basic English).
[vii] D.S. Wallace-Hadrill, Christian Antioch (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 25.

The Colonnaded Street / Kurtuluş Caddesi

  .

            Antioch was founded in 300 B.C. by the Seleucid king Seleucus I (d. ca. 281 B.C.). The city was built according to the so-called Hippodamian plan where the streets were straight and met at right angles. The city was fairly rectangular. To the one side a long wall followed the river Orontes and parallel to this there was a wall following the present streets of Kurtuluş Caddesi and Süreyya Halefoğlu Caddesi from the point where the street Kırk Asırlık Türk Yurdu Caddesi meets Kurtuluş Caddesi to the point close where Süreyya Halefoğlu Caddesi meets İzmir Caddesi. At this point a road is coming in from Beroea (today: Aleppo). This road most likely continued along the city wall towards the south. Most travellers very likely entered Antioch through the Eastern Gate (later changed to the Middle Gate as the city grew towards the north).

            The ill-famed king Antiochus Epiphanes (175-163 B.C.) incorporated the city quarters between the wall and Mount Silpius into the city calling it Epiphaneia after himself. A new gate was built close to the present junction of Kurtuluş Caddesi and Kırk Asırlık Türk Yurdu Caddesi. This gate was later called the Cherubim Gate as the Roman general Titus is said to have put up cherubs from the Jewish temple in Jerusalem at this gate.

            With this new addition to the city, the road from Beroea (Aleppo) to Daphne (Harbiye) some kilometres further south went right through the city.

As mentioned above, the city had grown towards the north and a big bean-shaped island in the middle of the river Orontes had been incorporated. The Eastern Gate was now situated close to where Mount Staurin meet Antakya Reyhanlı Yolu near its junction with Atatürk Caddesi. This made the thoroughfare through Antioch more or less three kilometres long.

            As time went by, this street was to grow in importance. Herod the Great, the ruler of Judaea, financed some improvement of the street, and also the Roman Emperor Tiberius (A.D. 14-37) has been credited with some contribution. When the street was finished it was 27 metres wide: nine metres for the street itself and nine metres for the colonnades on each side of the street where shops of various sorts were located. The saying goes that the Roman Emperor Anthonius Pius (A.D. 138-161) had the street paved with Theban granite.

On the picture above we see the course of the Colonnaded Street from the Cherubim Gate (that was located at the crossroad near the bottom of the pictures) up to Mount Staurin (the small mountain just beside the street). The densely populated area to the left used to be the original Seleucid city. The populated area to the right, up the slopes of Mount Silpius, is roughly equivalent to Epiphaneia. On the left side of the street, opposite Mount Staurin, there is a green area. This is where the bean-shaped island used to be. Today there is no island as the eastern branch of the Orontes has dried up.

            During the reign of the Byzantine Emperor Theodosius II (A.D. 408-450) the street was extended towards the south and a new wall was built from a point close to the present waterworks on the slopes of Mount Silpius to a point close to where the streets Kurtuluş Caddesi and Hastane Caddesi meet. There a new gate called the Daphne Gate, or the Golden Gate, was built. Thus the quarters of Rhodion (today probably the quarter of Güllü Bahçe: Rose Garden) and Kerateion were incorporated into the city.

The picture above shows the quarters that were added to the city by Theodosius II. The Daphne Gate was located just behind the building with the white roof in the foreground. The quarter of Kerateion was somewhere in the area to the right of Kurtuluş Caddesi and Rhodion most likely to the left. The torrent of Phyrminus came down through a gorge in Mount Silpius. Now it is hidden under the street that is entering our picture above the barracks in the front. It is continuing down towards the Orontes under the houses between the two curved streets in the left side of the picture.

            Today the part of Antioch or Antakya that is situated east of the river Orontes has shrunk. Consequently, only about half of what used to be the Colonnaded Street runs through densely populated parts of town. In the downtown area the old street is hidden several metres under the present level. Furthermore, Kurtuluş Caddesi is a very narrow street compared to the Colonnaded Street, measuring only about a third of the old street.

Nearly a hundred years ago and during the time of the French occupation in the thirties, beautiful houses were built in this street. Later ugly concrete boxes were put up beside them.

            Lately some renovation of the Kurtuluş Caddesi has begun. At least the facades of the old houses are being renovated and it is said that also the shops eventually will have a front similar to that of old.

            Some discussion has been going on about closing the street to traffic turning it into a sort of pedestrian street as has been done with Hürriyet Caddesi (popularly called Saray Caddesi) close to the Bridge. It has been suggested that a "nostalgic" tram like the one in İstiklal Caddesi in Istanbul should run along the street. Also horse drawn gigs like those on the islands across from Istanbul have been suggested. [i] However, this solution would leave the city with the same stench as that on the island Büyükada.

            It is sad that Antakya, like many other Turkish cities, has suffered from the widespread lack of appreciation for history. Nevertheless, it is good to see that many locals now try to preserve the values they have inherited from the past.

Kurtuluş Caddesi towards the south

Kurtuluş Caddesi, the southern extension

[i] "Antakya tarihi ve kentsel SİT alanları sürdürülebilir koruma-geliştirme planı," Güney Rüzgarı, sayı 140, August 2011, pages 9-12.

Province and capital

 

The practice of naming a province after the provincial capital and vice versa is not something new. It reminds me of the prophet Jonah whose sarcophagus allegedly stands in a room next to the Habib-i Neccar mosque in Antakya. [a]

According to the biblical account the prophet Jonah had to go to Nineve, the capital of Assyria, and proclaim its doom. In the book of Jonah (chapter 3 verse 3) it is said that Nineve "was an exceeding great city of three days' journey." (מהלך שׁלשׁת ימים)

This has been taken as a wild exaggeration. The Commentary on the Old testament of Keil and Delitzsch ventures this explanation:

"But Nineveh was a great city to God (lē'lōhı̄m), i.e., it was regarded by God as a great city. This remark points to the motive for sparing it (cf. Jon_4:11), in case its inhabitants hearkened to the word of God. Its greatness amounted to “a three days' walk.” This is usually supposed to refer to the circumference of the city, by which the size of a city is generally determined. But the statement in Jon_3:4, that “Jonah began to enter into the city the walk of a day,” i.e., a day's journey, is apparently at variance with this. Hence Hitzig has come to the conclusion that the diameter or length of the city is intended, and that, as the walk of a day in Jon_3:4 evidently points to the walk of three days in Jon_3:3, the latter must also be understood as referring to the length of Nineveh. But according to Diod. ii. 3 the length of the city was 150 stadia, and Herodotus (v. 53) gives just this number of stadia as a day's journey. Hence Jonah would not have commenced his preaching till he had reached the opposite end of the city. This line of argument, the intention of which is to prove the absurdity of the narrative, is based upon the perfectly arbitrary assumption that Jonah went through the entire length of the city in a straight line, which is neither probable in itself, nor implied in בּוֹא בָעִיר. This simply means to enter, or go into the city, and says nothing about the direction of the course he took within the city. But in a city, the diameter of which was 150 stadia, and the circumference 480 stadia, one might easily walk for a whole day without reaching the other end, by winding about from one street into another. And Jonah would have to do this to find a suitable place for his preaching, since we are not warranted in assuming that it lay exactly in the geographical centre, or at the end of the street which led from the gate into the city. But if Jonah wandered about in different directions, as Theodoret says, “not going straight through the city, but strolling through market-places, streets, etc.,” the distance of a day's journey over which he travelled must not be understood as relating to the diameter or length of the city; so that the objection to the general opinion, that the three days' journey given as the size of the city refers to the circumference, entirely falls to the ground. Moreover, Hitzig has quite overlooked the word וַיָּחֶל in his argument. The text does not affirm that Jonah went a day's journey into the city, but that he “began to go into the city a day's journey, and cried out.” These words do not affirm that he did not begin to preach till after he had gone a whole day's journey, but simply that he had commenced his day's journey in the city when he found a suitable place and a fitting opportunity for his proclamation. They leave the distance that he had really gone, when he began his preaching, quite indefinite; and by no means necessitate the assumption that he only began to preach in the evening, after his day's journey was ended. All that they distinctly affirm is, that he did not preach directly he entered the city, but only after he had commenced a day's journey, that is to say, had gone some distance into the city. And this is in perfect harmony with all that we know about the size of Nineveh at that time. The circumference of the great city Nineveh, or the length of the boundaries of the city of Nineveh in the broadest sense, was, as Niebuhr says (p. 277), “nearly ninety English miles, not reckoning the smaller windings of the boundary; and this would be just three days' travelling for a good walker on a long journey.” “Jonah,” he continues, “begins to go a day's journey into the city, then preaches, and the preaching reaches the ears of the king (cf. Jon_3:6). He therefore came very near to the citadel as he went along on his first day's journey. At that time the citadel was probably in Nimrud (Calah). Jonah, who would hardly have travelled through the desert, went by what is now the ordinary caravan road past Amida, and therefore entered the city at Nineveh. And it was on the road from Nineveh to Calah, not far off the city, possibly in the city itself, that he preached. Now the distance between Calah and Nineveh (not reckoning either city), measured in a straight line upon the map, is 18 1/2 English miles.” If, then, we add to this, (1) that the road from Nineveh to Calah or Nimrud hardly ran in a perfectly straight line, and therefore would be really longer than the exact distance between the two parts of the city according to the map, and (2) that Jonah had first of all to go through Nineveh, and possibly into Calah, he may very well have walked twenty English miles, or a short day's journey, before he preached. The main point of his preaching is all that is given, viz., the threat that Nineveh would be destroyed, which was the point of chief importance, so far as the object of the book was concerned, and which Jonah of course explained by denouncing the sins and vices of the city. The threat ran thus: “Yet forty days, and Nineveh will be destroyed.” נֶהְפָּךְ, lit., overturned, i.e., destroyed from the very foundations, is the word applied to the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah. The respite granted is fixed at forty days, according to the number which, even as early as the flood, was taken as the measure for determining the delaying of visitations of God." [b]

This may all be very correct. Another explanation, though, might be that the three days journey relate to the whole province. The book of Daniel (chapter 3 verse 1) speaks of an image of gold set up "in the plain of Dura, in the province of Babylon." The word translated "province" is מדינה (medîne) and does not refer to the city itself. If the Babylonian Dura in question is close to Tell Hariri in Syria it is rather far from the city of Babylon.

It reminds me of the Turkish workers who came to Europe many years ago. When you asked them where in Turkey they came from many answered: "From the capital, from Ankara." Nevertheless, it showed up that they came from Haymana about a hundred kilometres south of the capital.

I have had a similar experience in Egypt although in the reverse. Once we took a taxi from Cairo to Memphis but when we had to return to Cairo the driver lost his way. Consequently he started to ask people on the road: "Which way to Egypt [Misr]?"

_________

[a] For reasons unknown this Antiochene Jonah has been identified with the apostle Paul. However, Paul's Jewish name was not Jonah but Shaul. Stories run wild in this area. See http://wowturkey.com/forum/viewtopic.php?t=17883.

[b] Keil & Deltizsch, Commentary on the Old Testament, e-Sword, Version 9.6.0.

Antakya or Hatay

It seems that certain persons believe that somebody in Turkey want to have the name of Antakya changed to Hatay and this has created some stir in certain waters. What is behind it is this: The Turkish identification cards that show the personal data of the citizen also show the province and the city where the person was born. For at Turk born in Antakya the province would be Hatay and the city Antakya.

Nevertheless, most Turkish provinces take the name of the capital of the province. Thus the province of Konya (Iconium) has Konya as its capital. In police reports and other documents where the person's identity is described, the word Centrum [Merkez] is often used instead of the name of the provincial capital.

  

Now, the provincial capital of the province of Hatay is not just any city, it is Antakya, Antioch of old, the Queen of the East. To change its name to "Centrum" is to many of the locals something close to sacrilege.

  

In an article in the newspaper Milliyet[i] (August 16, 2011) İlber Oltaylı writes that the motivation behind this is not nationalism but simply inexperience or lack of good manners.

  
This, however, is contradicted by Emre Can Dağlıoğlu who in the newspaper Taraf of August 20, 2011, page 14 has an article with the headline "How Antakya really became Hatay." Dağlıoğlu writes: "In short, the attempt of erasing the name of Antakya is not 'inexperience' as Oltalı would have it. Although the derogative term 'so-called' is used on the practice it is in fact 'a nationalistic administrative measure,' part and parcel of Turkish assimilation policy."
  

Whether the observation of Dağlıoğlu is correct or not, I do not know. Both names are in fact foreign to Turkish. The word Hatay is derived from the word Hittite. When the great Hittite empire in central Anatolia collapsed a number of small Hittite principalities survived along the present border between Turkey and Syria. Today only the name Hatay survives as it was used by the Turks in the early twentieth century.[ii] At that time the founder of the Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, said that the province had been a homeland for Turks for four millenniums. This may sound strange as it is common knowledge that the Turks only made their entry into Anatolia (or Asia Minor) after the battle of Malazgirt (or Manzikert) in 1071, but as Mustafa Kemal regarded the Turks as descendants of the Hittites, he at least to some extent had a point.[iii]

  

Whatever the case, even if the name of Antakya administratively were changed to Hatay Centrum following the procedure applied in the case of other provincial capitals in Turkey, nobody would forget that this city is the one called Antakya, Antâkiye or Antioch. This city has got its name inscribed into history for good and for bad. It is not easily forgotten. Two thousand years ago it was the third most important city of the Roman Empire and during the time of the Byzantines it was often frequented by the emperors. Every now and then ruins and mosaics from the past are found under the streets and at other places where excavation is done.

  

It is with Antakya as with Istanbul or Jerusalem: You may change its name, but it will not disappear.

___________  

[i] İlber Oltaylı, "Hatay'daki büyük görgüsüzlük," accessed August 31, 2011,  http://cadde.milliyet.com.tr/2011/08/16/YazarDetay/1426402/Hatay_daki_buyuk_gorgusuzluk

[ii] "HATAY, the name given by the Turks to the Sanjak of Alexandretta, at the time of the crisis of 1936-9." The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Vol. 3 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1986), 273

[iii] Compare Wikipedia, "Genetic origins of the Turkish people," accessed August 31, 2011, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Genetic_origins_of_the_Turkish_people. According to the chart less that 50 % of the gene pool of Anatolia is typical for people of Central Asia.

The Mosque of Habib-i Neccar II

  
In tourist brochures written about Antakya, the authors take it for granted that the Mosque of Habib-i Neccar was built by Abu Obayda after the city fell to the Muslims in 636 A.D. In one of these brochures called Hatay we read: "The Habib-i Neccar Mosque was built in 636 when the Muslim Arabs conquered Antakya."[i] In another of them we read: "In the year 636 A.D. Antakya was conquered by Abu Obayda Ibn Jerrah, one of the generals of Omar. This was the year when the Habib-i Neccar Mosque was built."[ii] In the book Antiocheia we read on page 237: "The Habib-i Neccar Mosque and the mausoleum was built for the first time by Abu Obayda Ibn Jerrah in the year 638." [iii]

The author Zafer Sarı, however, is more exact. He writes: "The story goes that originally there was a Roman temple on its present spot. After the spread of Christianity in Antakya, this temple was turned into a church. When the Muslims took over the city, the present mosque was built on the same spot. ... The building, which has an architectural style reminding of the Baroque, was erected by Abu Obayda Ibn Jerrah after the Muslims conquered Antakya in 638." [iv]

The observation by Zafer Sarı is in harmony with the way things were done in the Middle East years ago: temples were turned into churches and churches eventually into mosques. There may even be an evidence for this claim.

In the courtyard of the mosque, a lonely pillar is standing that evidently has no business at that location. It is overwhelmingly doubtful that Abu Obayda Ibn Jerrah put it there. It very likely belongs to something much older.

   

There used to be very many Greek and Roman temples in old Antioch, but most of them were either pulled down or turned into churches. This especially happened after the decree of the Byzantine Emperor Theodosius I (379-395).[v] Speaking about the aggressive destruction done by the monks, the pagan philosopher Libanius (d. ca. 393), who was a native of Antioch and living there, gives this description of the situation:

"But those black-garbed people, who eat more than elephants, and demand a large quantity of liquor from the people who send them drink for their chantings, but who hide their luxury by their pale artificial countenances, - these men, O Emperor, even whilst your law is in force, run to the temples, bringing with them wood, and stones, and iron, and when they have not these, hands and feet. Then follows a Mysian prey, the roofs are uncovered, walls are pulled down, images are carried off, and altars are overturned: the priests all the while must be silent upon pain of death. When they have destroyed one temple they run to another, and a third, and trophies are erected upon trophies: which are all contrary to [your] law. This is the practice in cities, but especially in the countries." ( Libanius, Oration 30: For the temples (Pro templis) (1830) pp.72-96, accessed August 13, 2011, http://www.ccel.org/ccel/pearse/morefathers/files/libanius_pro_templis_02_trans.htm)

According to Libanius, destruction was especially widespread in the countryside. It is therefore reasonable to expect that pagan temples in town were largely allowed to stand, although turned into churches.

Therefore, the sarcophagi we find in the Habib-i Neccar Mosque today were probably already there when Abu Obayda turned the place into a mosque. That would also explain why at least three persons who according to the Muslims are Christian saints have their shrine in the mosque: John the Baptist, Shem'un al-Safa and Habib-i Neccar.

One thing is certain: when the Mameluk Sultan Baybars took Antioch in 1268, he did not leave many Christians in the city, if any at all. Their church close to the former Cherubim Gate on what used to be the Colonnaded Street became the Mosque of Habib-i Neccar. The title of Baybars, al-malik aZ-Zâhir, is still to be seen in an inscription in its courtyard.

 

---

[i] Hatay City Directorate of Culture and Tourism, Hatay (Antakya: (no year)).

 

[ii] T. C. Hatay Valiliği İl Kültür ve Turizm Müdürlüğü, Habib Neccar Camii (Antakya: (no year)).

 

[iii] Uysal Yenipınar, Antiocheia (İzmir: Etki Yayınları, 2010).

 

[iv] Zafer Sarı, Hatay'da tarihi ve turistik yerler, (Antakya: Hatay Expres Gazetecilik Matbaacılık, 2009), 47.

[v] Glanville Downey, A History of Antioch in Syria from Seleucus to the Arab conquest, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), 437, 439.

Serug

This article was printed in the internet edition of the Turkish newspaper Zaman on August 8, 2001 about an incident that happened 2-300 kilometers northeast of Antakya:
 
Five dead as adults join children's fight in Turkey's southeast
08 August 2011, Monday / TODAYSZAMAN.COM,
      
"Five people died and 12 others were injured when a fistfight among a group of children grew larger after their families got involved on Monday in the southeastern province of Şanlıurfa.

Reports said children from the Şahin and Pesen families, which reportedly have a long-standing dispute, in the Suruç district got into a fistfight in the morning. While the fight seemed to have ended, some members of the Pesen family went to the home of the Şahin family and reportedly insulted them.

Following this, members of the Şahin family took out weapons and opened fire on them, killing five people from the Pesen family.

Reports said three of the victims are women. The clash continued for hours and another 12 people were injured. Riot police were sent to the area to end the clash.

Strict security measures were taken at Suruç State Hospital, where the injured individuals were taken, to prevent any further violence. An investigation into the incident has also been launched."

The story is sad but trivial. Incidents like the one described are not unusual along the frontier between Turkey and Syria. What makes the story unusual is that it puts back on the map a city that the world forgot centuries ago: the city of Serug.

In the Bible book of Genesis we read in chapter 11 verses 22 – 26 we read:

"And Serug lived thirty years, and begat Nahor: And Serug lived after he begat Nahor two hundred years, and begat sons and daughters. And Nahor lived nine and twenty years, and begat Terah: And Nahor lived after he begat Terah an hundred and nineteen years, and begat sons and daughters. And Terah lived seventy years, and begat Abram, Nahor, and Haran." (King James Version)

Thus Serug was the great-grandfather of the patriarch Abraham and he had a city called by his name.

This was not unusual. Also Abraham's brother Haran had a city with his name, and also this city still exists at its location about 40 kilometres south of the big city of Urfa (or Şanlıurfa).

The account in the book of Genesis tells us how Abraham's grandson Jacob later settled with his relative Laban in Haran (Harran) where he worked as a shepherd. Eventually he had to run away because of serious differences with Laban about wages. According to Genesis Laban only refrained from doing Jacob harm after divine intervention.

The newspaper story from Suruç (Serug) indicates that not everything in that area has changed since the time of the patriarchs nearly four thousand years ago.

Jacob probably acted wisely by avoiding a confrontation.